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The Uncompromised Case for Capitalism

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How Not To Fight Paternalism

Paternalism is the notion that the government should restrict people’s freedom for their own good. People are fat? Ban “Big Gulps.” People drink too much alcohol? Hit them with sin taxes. People are smoking themselves into an early grave? Outlaw smoking in restaurants and bars.

What do the opponents of paternalism say in response? Basically, that we should have the freedom to make dumb decisions. Here’s Cato’s Dan Mitchell:

I think paternalists often are right [that there are lots of people who make bad choices], but I disagree with the notion that government should coerce people and impose “good” choices. Simply stated, freedom and liberty matter to me.

To butcher a very important quote, “I may disagree with your decision to smoke cigarettes and guzzle 32 oz. sodas, but I will defend to the death your right to do so.”

Question: Are you now inspired to crusade against paternalism? I’m not. And, it turns out, Mitchell isn’t either.

Actually, to be perfectly honest, I won’t defend to the death your right to be foolish. But I’ll surely write a snarky blog post.

Mitchell’s argument—and he is by no means alone here—elevates “freedom” to a value independent of its consequences for human life. Then it concedes that paternalist policies would improve human life, at least in principle, but that we should reject those policies because freedom is somehow intrinsically valuable.

Can you see why most Americans reading Mitchell’s account would ask themselves, “If all ‘freedom’ amounts to is the right to make stupid decisions, then who needs freedom?”

How should we go about fighting paternalism? By arguing for the value of being free to act on your independent judgment rather than being at the mercy of other people’s dictates. But to defend that proposition isn’t easy—it depends on an entire philosophy of life: one that upholds the efficacy and value of the human mind, the objectivity of moral values, and the sanctity of the individual.

More on that soon.


Force Without Principles

Yaron joins Amy Peikoff on Don’t Let it Go Unheard to discuss wealth redistribution, the Nanny State, socialism vs. capitalism, and more. This interview was recorded March 10, 2013.

Note: I know the recording isn’t working for some reason. Should have it fixed shortly. Let’s just consider it an April Fool’s joke. -DW

Update: Fixed!




Fair Pay Under Capitalism

Washington Post writer Steven Pearlstein recently published a thoughtful piece on the morality of capitalism that has gotten a lot of attention. I have a lot to say about it, and I want to start with one of the more intriguing questions raised by Pearlstein.

After going over what he calls “the moral case against redistribution,” he raises “one glaring problem”:

For implicit in the imperative to let the productive keep what they earn is an assumption that the markets distribute income in a way that accurately reflects everyone’s relative economic contribution—and therefore is fair. But is that true?

Pearlstein goes on to say that in a simple barter economy, the connection between what a person contributes to production and his wealth is clear. But in a complex division of labor economy? “[T]he connection between what is produced and who is responsible for producing it is not so obvious.”

Can you see where Pearlstein is going with this? If the connection between what a person gets paid on a market and what he contributes to production is fuzzy, then that person has no moral grounds for objecting when the government confiscates and doles out his income.

But Pearlstein is wrong. Dead wrong. On a free market, the connection between what a person contributes to production and his income is as clear as day: what he makes is what he produces—as judged by those who voluntarily pay him.

When Pearlstein raises the question of whether pay reflects productive contribution, he is adopting a central planner’s perspective. Implicit in his question is the idea that under capitalism, resources start out as some collective pie, markets then distribute those resources “somehow,” and now we have to stand back and look at market outcomes and divine if they “fairly” reflect each individual’s contribution.

But wealth is not a tribal product which some disembodied “market” “distributes.” What actually happens is that, under capitalism, individuals create and trade wealth. There is no “distribution” of income. Instead every dollar a person gets comes from the voluntary judgment of each individual who chooses to deal with him.

What makes your income “fair” is not that it matches some arbitrary economic benchmark (e.g., some fixed “share” of income going to capital and labor, as Pearlstein seems to endorse)—what makes it fair is that it is the product of an objective process: the free, uncoerced, voluntary judgment of market participants.

Contrast that with the approach implied by Pearlstein’s argument: a group of bureaucrats will get together, decide those voluntary decisions are “unfair,” and coercively seize and distribute people’s wealth so that it conforms to theirs, the bureaucrats’, feelings about what is “fair.”

What’s especially revealing about this argument is Pearlstein’s concession that if a person could claim to have earned his income, then it would be a moral travesty to take it and hand it over to people who didn’t earn it. And on that point he is absolutely right.

But Pearlstein aside, there is a legitimate question: how do market participants assess others’ productive contribution in a complex, division of labor economy? How does a board of directors assess the contribution of the CEO and other high level executives? How do managers assess the productive contribution of their employees?

It ain’t easy. They have to have a lot of knowledge about their company, all of the people involved, how many others in the labor market have the skills and aptitudes necessary to do the various kinds of work, to name just a scant few factors.

Do they always get it right? Of course not. But what’s unique about capitalism is that market forces reward people for good decisions and punish them for bad decisions: companies that pay people too little see good employees head for greener pastures; companies that pay people too much see their resources depleted relative to competitors. As a result, there is a tendency in a market for income to reflect productivity.

And if it is challenging for someone to assess the productive contribution of people within his own company, it is virtually impossible for a complete outsider to do so. What does Larry Ellison contribute to Oracle? How much value does he bring to the table? That’s a Herculean question for Oracle’s board of directors to answer, and it’s ludicrous to expect—as critics of market outcomes such as Pearlstein often do—that someone not deeply familiar with Oracle and its industry should be able to answer it.

The majesty of capitalism is that it doesn’t matter. Why not? Because “we” aren’t the one’s paying Ellison’s salary. Oracle’s shareholders are, and if an individual shareholder thinks Ellison is overpaid, he is free to sell his shares. The fairness of Ellison’s pay is not anyone’s to decide but his and those who voluntarily choose to pay him (or not).